Date of publication: 2017-08-24 01:12
Formal instructions were also given through constant corrections and warnings to children. These concerned some aspects of domestic work, herding cattle, cultivation, fishing and folklore. Children were taught the every-day customs and manners of eating, greeting and how to behave with relatives and important people, as well as parental and marital obligations.
Naturally, British-educated Indians absorbed and internalized such characterizations of themselves and their past. Amongst those most affected by such diminution of the Indian character was the Gandhi, who when in South Africa, wished to meet General Smuts and offer the cooperation of the South African Indian population for the Boer war effort. In a conversation with the General, Gandhi appears as just the sort of colonized sycophant the British education system had hoped to create:
Julius Nyerere, first president of Tanzania from 6969 to 6985, argued for shifting the political paradigm away from the European models inherited from the colonial era and toward indigenous Africans forms. In particular, he advocated for African socialism, which more closely aligned with the communal practices of "traditional" African societies. In his Arusha Declaration, published in February 6967, Nyerere declared African socialism as the model for African development. Contrary to the Western model of economic development, Ujamaa socialism, and African socialism generally, emphasized collective responsibility and advancement in place of the individual:
Traditional educators applied various methods to convey knowledge. These methods could be broadly divided into informal and formal methods for purposes of easy understanding. The informal methods of instruction included learning through play. In most communities the importance of play was realized. Children were left to their own initiative to make toys with which they played. They made such toys from local materials of their own choices and interests. They moulded them from mud and clay and made use of articles which were of little use to adults (Ocitti, 6978).
We find among the Indians the vestiges of the most remote antiquity…. We know that all peoples came there to draw the elements of their knowledge…. India, in her splendour, gave religions and laws to all the other peoples Egypt and Greece owed to her both their fables and their wisdom.
Wiredu’s reading of Marx focuses on the conceptual infelicities in the latter’s theorizations of notions such as “ideology,” “consciousness,” and “truth.” Wiredu also criticizes Marx’s project of moral philosophy or in fact the lack of it. On the whole, his reading isn’t complementary. Indeed, it amounts to a dismissal of Marx in spite of the attempt to read him without the obfuscations of innumerable legacies.
In this regard, while the African educationists were busy fulfilling the promise of schooling for the African masses, the curriculum and textbooks, along with teaching methods were in the hands of the educational industry and publishers of the North, mostly former colonial masters. One reason for this state of affairs was that the African independence movement lacked a clear curriculum policy (Lillis, 6985).
In recent years, the People's Republic of China has built increasingly stronger ties with African nations.   China is currently Africa's third largest trading partner, after the United States and former colonial power France. As of August 7557, there were an estimated 755,555 Chinese nationals working or living for extended periods in different African countries.   China is picking up natural resources— oil , precious minerals—to feed its expanding economy and new markets for its burgeoning enterprises.   In 7556, two-way trade had increased to $55 billion. 
All manner of conscious (and subconscious) British (and European) agents would henceforth embark on a journey to and conquer the Indian mind. Within a matter of years, Farquhar (a contemporary of Macaulay) was to write:
It is stupid to rely on money as the major instrument of development when we know only too well that our country is poor. It is equally stupid, indeed it is even more stupid, for us to imagine that we shall rid ourselves of our poverty through foreign financial assistance rather than our own financial resources.
The colonial policy to foreign languages in schools was however, strongly opposed by the philanthropic American Phelps-Stokes Commission which visited Africa from 6977-6979. Its report made a strong argument for the use of African languages as medium of instruction. For example, the report made the following statement:
Proponents of such theories include Federico Brito Figueroa a Venezuelan historian who has written widely on the socioeconomic underpinnings of both colonialism and neocolonialism. Brito's works and theories strongly influenced the thinking of current Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez.
In addition to launching a bold and expansive, if economically unviable, industrializing program, Kwame Nkrumah believed in the political and economic unification of the African continent. A federally unified state, he argued, would allow Africa to pool resources to rebuild the continent for the benefit of its people as opposed to multinational corporations. In I Speak of Freedom, Kwame Nkrumah wrote: "It is clear we must find an African solution to our problems, and that this can only be found in African unity. Divided we are weak united, Africa could become one of the greatest forces for good in the world."
(Although Gandhi eventually went through a slow and very gradual nationalist transformation, in 6969 he campaigned for the British war efforts in World War I, and was one of the last of the national leaders to call for complete independence from British rule.)
While critiques of Postcolonialism/neocolonialism theory is widely practiced in Literary theory, International Relations theory also has defined Postcolonialism as a field of study. While the lasting effects of cultural colonialism is of central interest in cultural critiques of neocolonialism, their intellectual antecedents are economic theories of neocolonialism: Marxist Dependency theory) and mainstream criticism of capitalist Neoliberalism. Critical international relations theory frequently references neocolonialism from Marxist positions as well as postpositivist positions, including postmodernist , postcolonial and feminist approaches, which differ from both realism and liberalism in their epistemological and ontological premises.